The survival of small states in the Gulf region: COVID-19, pandemic politics and the future of niche diplomacy

The Gulf is increasingly recognized as one of the most dynamic and unstable regions in the international system. Within the region, the survival of small states can no longer be taken for granted and power relations are conflictual. The hegemonic ambitions of larger regional state actors draw small states into a contested orbit and emphasize the fluidity of pre-existing notions of the balance of power. This has led to forms of fragmentation. Small states can no longer sit comfortably under the shelter of regional and even external super-powers. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on small states like Kuwait and Qatar is a useful prism to examine the ways in which such small states attempt to project power and sovereignty through their diplomatic responses. Our argument, here, is that such discourse is framed as part of an ideational and material construct for state resilience within a regional and international system that is perceived as predatory. Yet pandemic politics reveals both the opportunities and limits of such approaches.

Demagoguery, populism, and foreign policy rhetoric: evidence from Jair Bolsonaro's tweets

This article investigates whether Brazil's President Jair Bolsonaro extended demagoguery and populism into his foreign policy discourse. An analysis of 673 tweets indicates that demagoguery was more common (observed in 94 tweets) than populism (observed in 14 tweets). Bolsonaro adopted a Red Scare tactic, distorted information about the 2019 Amazon wildfires, spread rumours about COVID-19, and portrayed relations with the US during Trump's administration and Israel during Netanyahu's as panaceas. Findings suggest that demagoguery can ramify into foreign policy discourse, with a leader fitting distorted interpretations of foreign topics and actors into stories made for domestic consumption. Bolsonaro was cautious concerning relations with China though, indicating that international power politics and expected gains or losses from trade and investment may condition the scope of demagogical discourses. This article shows a conceptual gap in literature on foreign policy discourse, which a framework using the concept of demagoguery can, in part, fill. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Contemporary Politics is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

The Quad as a Security Actor

When the Quad briefly emerged in 2007-8 among Australia, India, Japan, and the United States, this minilateral was referred to as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. Although some member states occasionally still use that term-often casually-it has been eschewed as a formal designation. Indeed, Quad members have gone out of their way to highlight a softer purpose rather than a security framing for the coalition. They have emphasized the idea of the group as a solutions provider for regional problems, including the Covid-19 crisis and climate change, while simultaneously officials have either denied or downplayed the grouping's security dimension.1 In September 2021, for instance, a senior U.S. official emphasized that the Quad "is not a regional security organization." The official further added that "there is not a military dimension...or security dimension" to the grouping.2However, while the Quad is not a regional security organization or alliance and does not involve formal security commitments or treaty obligations, it does have security and even some military dimensions. This element may not be evident in members' public statements, but as this essay argues, it is a key component of the Quad and the cooperation between its members.The Quad's resurrection lay in the need to respond to a security challenge-a more assertive and powerful China. This was not the only driver, but without it, the Quad was neither necessary nor possible. The member states' desire to respond to this challenge by shaping a favorable balance of power and building resilience in the region has led to several lines of effort, including in the defense and security domains. Among other elements, these interactions have involved building on a relatively low base of member-state interconnection in these sectors, particularly with India. Members' engagement in these realms has been evident in three areas: (1) security consultations and activities via the Quad, (2) sub-Quad activities, involving the deepening of ties between the Quad partners bilaterally and trilaterally, and (3) supra-Quad activities, consisting of member-state cooperation with other like-minded partners.

A 2022. évi orosz-ukrán háború gazdasági következményei

A 2020-as évek a Covid-19 okozta globális recesszióval kezdodtek, s a világ még ki sem lábalt a járványból és a recesszióból sem, amikor 2022. február végén kitört az orosz-ukrán háború, amely nyilvánvalóan átfogó rövid, közép- és hosszú távú világgazdasági következményekkel jár. Tanulmányunk megkísérli összefoglalni a várható strukturális átrendezodéseket a koolaj és a földgáz világpiacán, valamint a mezogazdasági termékek, elsosorban a gabonák és az olajos magvak globális piacán. Fentiek alapján felvázoljuk a háborúnak a világgazdasági eroviszonyokra gyakorolt várható hatásait.Alternate :The 2020s began with a global recession caused by Covid-19, and the world economy had not even recovered from either the epidemic or the following recession when the Russian-Ukrainian war broke out at the end of February 2022, with obvious broad short-, medium- and long-term consequences for the global economy. Our study attempts to sum up the expected structural changes in the global market for oil and gas as well as for agricultural products, mainly cereals and oilseeds. On this basis, we outline the likely effects of war on the balance of power in the global economy.

A Shifting Northeast Asian Security Landscape and China-ROK-Japan Arctic Cooperation

The growing competition between Beijing and Washington and the coronavirus pandemic are not only changing the regional landscape but also China-ROK-Japan cooperation in arctic affairs. For the three countries, changes in the Northeast Asian landscape present both opportunities and challenges for trilateral exchange and cooperation. China, South Korea, and Japan all depend on international trade, shipping, and energy for their sustained economic growth. As extra-regional actors with major interests in arctic affairs, China-ROK-Japan share similar policy positions as observers on the Arctic Council. At the same time, the three economic powers also have inescapable competing views and conflicts of interest in the arctic region. Amid a shifting global landscape and the coronavirus pandemic, Northeast Asia is also undergoing profound changes, which requires higher levels of trilateral cooperation in arctic affairs to provide further momentum for maintaining regional stability and harmony. The best policy for China, South Korea, and Japan, three interdependent major economies in a world of growing uncertainty and competition is more coordination and cooperation. The Arctic could be a region where higher levels of Northeast Asian cooperation and integration can set a new paradigm of sub-regional coordination in the service of regional stability and prosperity.

La pandemia de covid-19 y el balance de poder mundial

Desde hace 20 años, el orden mundial se encuentra en un lento proceso de cambio provocado por el acelerado ascenso de China. La pandemia de covid-19 que se inició en China a fines de 2019, intensificó los conflictos preexistentes en este terreno, pero no los creó;tampoco modificó sustancialmente la estructura de poder internacional ni el balance de poder entre las principales potencias del mundo. Los enormes recursos financieros que se destinaron a la carrera por el desarrollo, producción y aplicación masiva de vacunas reforzaron más el soft power de Estados Unidos.Alternate :During the last twenty years, the world order has been in a slow process of change caused by the accelerated rise of China. The covid-19 pandemic that started in China at the end of 2019, intensified the pre-existing conflicts in this field, but did not create them;nor did it modify deeply the structure of international power nor the balance of power between the main powers of the world. The enormous financial resources allocated to the race for the development, production and massive application of vaccines reenforced more the soft power of the United States.

THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC - A SOURCE FOR GEOPOLITICAL CHANGE? THE CASE OF EASTERN EUROPE

The world's tectonics seem to be changing faster than before, considering the current Covid-19 pandemic. Understanding the general, global sources for change that drive the major powers' national interests is key to understanding Eastern European geopolitical trends. This research paper looks at the impact the Covid-19 pandemic has had so far on the world, considering the main geopolitical questions that have been raised during the last nine months since the pandemic started. It also addresses the pandemic effects on Europe, focusing on the challenges for Eastern Europe during the short and medium term. Conclusions refer to the way the regional balancing act changes, depending on how the EU, the US, China and Russia change position globally and how their strategies intersect with one another and with those of the countries in the Eastern Europe.